Looking back at Lincoln: On this day, 1861

On this day in 1861, President Lincoln gave his annual message to Congress.

December 3, 1861

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

In the midst of unprecedented political troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to God for unusual good health, and most abundant harvests.

You will not be surprised to learn that, in the peculiar exigencies of the times, our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs.

A disloyal portion of the American people have, during the whole year, been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which endures factious domestic division, is exposed to disrespect abroad; and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, to invoke foreign intervention.

Nations, thus tempted to interfere, are not always able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency, and ungenerous ambition, although measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those adopting them.

The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of our country, in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked abroad, have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations, in this case, discarding all moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act solely, and selfishly, for the most speedy restoration of commerce, including, especially, the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear, as yet, not to have seen their way to their object more directly, or clearly, through the destruction, than through the preservation, of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim more readily, and easily, by aiding to crush this rebellion, than by giving encouragement to it.

The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably, saw from the first, that it was the Union which made as well our foreign, as our domestic, commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty; and that one strong nation promises more durable peace, and a more extensive, valuable and reliable commerce, than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments.

It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, because whatever might be their wishes, or dispositions, the integrity of our country, and the stability of our government, mainly depend, not upon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, is herewith submitted [2].

I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence, and liberality towards foreign powers, averting causes of irritation; and, with firmness, maintaining our own rights and honor.

Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defences on every side. While, under this general recommendation, provision for defending our sea-coast line readily occurs to the mind, I also, in the same connexion, ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor and navigation improvements, all at well selected points upon these, would be of great importance to the national defence and preservation. I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, expressed in his report, [3] upon the same general subject.

I deem it of Importance that the loyal regions of East Tennessee and western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky, and other faithful parts of the Union, by railroad. I therefore recommend, as a military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of such road, as speedily as possible. Kentucky, no doubt, will co-operate, and, through her legislature, make the most judicious selection of a line. The northern terminus must connect with some existing railroad; and whether the route shall be from Lexington, or Nicholasville, to the Cumberland Gap; or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxville; or on some still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the general government co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short time; and when done, it will be not only of vast present usefulness, but also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future.

Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be submitted to the Senate for their consideration.

Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to adopt a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all obstructions from the way of this humane reform, except such as are merely of temporary and accidental occurrence.

I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic Majesty's minister accredited to this government, and the Secretary of State, relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in June last, by the United States steamer Massachusetts, for a supposed breach of the blockade. [4] As this detention was occasioned by an obvious misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we should commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right, as sanctioned by public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention.

I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor, in his annual message to Congress in December last, in regard to the disposition of the surplus which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under the act of the 3rd of March, 1859. [5] If, however, it should not be deemed advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that authority be given for investing the principal, over the proceeds of the surplus referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction of such other just claims of our citizens against China as are not unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with that Empire.

By the act of the 5th of August last, Congress authorized the President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against, and to capture pirates. This authority has been exercised in a single instance only. [6] For the more effectual protection of our extensive and valuable commerce, in the eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to re-capture any prizes which pirates might make of United States vessels and their cargoes, and the consular courts, now established by law in eastern countries, to adjudicate the cases, in the event that this should not be objected to by the local authorities.

If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit for your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining a Charge d'affaires near each of those new states. It is [sic] does not admit of doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable commercial treaties with them. [7]

The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed since your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The patriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the government the large means demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial classes, whose confidence in their country's faith, and zeal for their country's deliverance from present peril, have induced them to contribute to the support of the government the whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action.

The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year ending on the 30th June, 1861, was eighty six million, eight hundred and thirty five thousand, nine hundred dollars, and twenty seven cents, ($86,835,900.27,) and the expenditures for the same period, including payments on account of the public debt, were eighty four million, five hundred and seventy eight thousand, eight hundred and thirty four dollars and forty seven cents, ($84,578,834.47;) leaving a balance in the treasury, on the 1st July, of two million, two hundred and fifty seven thousand, sixty five dollars and eighty cents, ($2,257,065.80.) For the first quarter of the financial year, ending on the 30th September, 1861, the receipts from all sources, including the balance of first of July, were [8] $102,532,509.27, and the expenses $98,239,733.09; leaving a balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of $4,292,776.18.

Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year, and for the financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus far sustained the government will continue to sustain it till Peace and Union shall again bless the land.

I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for information respecting the numerical strength of the army, and for recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the well being of the various branches of the service intrusted to his care. [9] It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into the field.

I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops, and to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army.

The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia upon a uniform basis, is a subject of vital importance to the future safety of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of Congress.

The large addition to the regular army, in connexion with the defection that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy.

By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains for hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my notice, and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which, properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the dates respectively named and stated, in a schedule, containing also the form of the letter, marked A, and herewith transmitted. [10]

These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated, at the times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be compensated at the same rate as chaplains in the army. I further suggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as with regiments.

The report of the Secretary of the Navy [11] presents in detail the operations of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase its efficiency and power. Such have been the additions, by construction and purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and brought into service since our difficulties commenced.

Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever before assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed deeds which have increased our naval renown.

I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary for a more perfect organization of the navy by introducing additional grades in the service.

The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted, obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and increase the efficiency of the navy.

There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court---two by the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean, and one by the resignation of Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing judges resided within the States now overrun by revolt; so that if successors were appointed in the same localities, they could not now serve upon their circuits; and many of the most competent men there, probably would not take the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the supreme bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments northward, thus disabling myself from doing justice to the south on the return of peace; although I may remark that to transfer to the north one which has heretofore been in the south, would not, with reference to territory and population, be unjust.

During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his circuit grew into an empire---altogether too large for any one judge to give the courts therein more than a nominal attendance---rising in population from one million four hundred and seventy-thousand and eighteen, in 1830, to six million one hundred and fifty-one thousand four hundred and five, in 1860.

Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial system. If uniformity was [12] at all intended, the system requires that all the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by supreme judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida, Texas, California, and Oregon, have never had any such courts. Nor can this well be remedied without a change of the system; because the adding of judges to the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts of the country, with circuit courts, would create a court altogether too numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit courts are useful, or they are not useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; if not useful, no State should have them. Let them be provided for all, or abolished as to all.

Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be an improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of convenient number in every event. Then, first, let the whole country be divided into circuits of convenient size, the supreme judges to serve in a number of them corresponding to their own number, and independent circuit judges be provided for all the rest. Or, secondly, let the supreme judges be relieved from circuit duties, and circuit judges provided for all the circuits. Or, thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving the judicial functions wholly to the district courts and an independent Supreme Court. [13]

I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of them. Since the organization of the government, Congress has enacted some five thousand acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than six thousand closely printed pages, and are scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts have been drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their provisions are often obscure in themselves, or in conflict with each other, or at least so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even the best informed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute law really is.

It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of the legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This, well done, would, I think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the people, by placing before them, in a more accessible and intelligible form, the laws which so deeply concern their interests and their duties.

I am informed by some whose opinions I respect, that all the acts of Congress now in force, and of a permanent and general nature, might be revised and re-written, so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most, two volumes) of ordinary and convenient size. And I respectfully recommend to Congress to consider of the subject, and, if my suggestion be approved, to devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most proper for the attainment of the end proposed. [14]

One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the entire suppression, in many places, of all the ordinary means of administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of existing law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States; and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those States, the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts nor officers to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent States; and there is a vast amount of debt constituting such claims. Some have estimated it as high as two hundred million dollars, due, in large part, from insurgents, in open rebellion, to loyal citizens who are, even now, making great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the government.

Under these circumstances, I have been urgently solicited to establish, by military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end proposed---the collection of the debts---was just and right in itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress I suppose are equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, with the hope that a plan may be devised for the administration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may be under the control of this government, whether by a voluntary return to allegiance and order or by the power of our arms. This, however, not to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be re-established in peace.

It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the government, especially in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the duty of government to render prompt justice against itself, in favor of citizens, as it is to administer the same, between private individuals. The investigation and adjudication of claims, in their nature belong to the judicial [15] department; besides it is apparent that the attention of Congress, will be more than usually engaged, for some time to come, with great national questions. It was intended, by the organization of the court of claims, mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls of Congress; but while the court has proved to be an effective, and valuable means of investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of its creation, for want of power to make its judgments final.

Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger, of the subject, I commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making judgments final, may not properly be given to the court, reserving the right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary. [16]

I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster General, the following being a summary statement of the condition of the department:

The [17] revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30. 1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of seven hundred thousand dollars ($700,000) for the transportation of ``free mail matter,'' was nine million, forty nine thousand, two hundred and nin[e]ty six dollars and forty cents ($9,049,296.40) being about two per cent. less than the revenue for 1860.

The expenditures were thirteen million, six hundred and six thousand, seven hundred and fifty nine dollars and eleven cents. ($13,606,759.11) showing a decrease of more than eight per cent. as compared with those of the previous year, and leaving an excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year of four million, five hundred and fifty seven thousand, four hundred and sixty two dollars and seventy one cents ($4,557,462.71.)

The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at an increase of four per cent. on that of 1861, making eight million, six hundred and eighty three thousand dollars ($8,683,000) to which should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free matter, viz: seven hundred thousand dollars ($700,000.) making nine million, three hundred and eighty three thousand dollars, ($9,383,000.)

The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving an estimated deficiency of $3,145,000, to be supplied from the treasury, in addition to the permanent appropriation.

The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this District across the Potomac river, at the time of establishing the capital here, was eminently wise, and consequently that the relinquishment of that portion of it which lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining that part of the District, and the restoration of the original boundaries thereof, through negotiations with the State of Virginia. [18]

The report of the Secretary of the Interior, [19] with the accompanying documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public business pertaining to that department. The depressing influences of the insurrection have been especially felt in the operations of the Patent and General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of public lands during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended in the southern States, while the interruptions to the business of the country, and the diversion of large numbers of men from labor to military service, have obstructed settlements in the new States and Territories of the northwest.

The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about $100,000, rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary to make it self sustaining.

The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is reason to believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of the bounty of the government, are in the ranks of the insurgent army, or giving them aid and comfort. The

Secretary of the Interior has directed a suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof of their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize that officer to cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls.

The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been greatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern superintendency and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in the possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents of the United States appointed since the 4th. of March for this superintendency have been unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were in office before that time have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and assume to exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from the insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a portion of those Indians have been organized as a military force, and are attached to the army of the insurgents. Although the government has no official information upon this subject, letters have been written to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several prominent chiefs, giving assurance of their loyalty to the United States, and expressing a wish for the presence of federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon the repossession of the country by the federal forces the Indians will readily cease all hostile demonstrations, and resume their former relations to the government.

Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has, not a department, nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so independent in its nature as to not have demanded and extorted more from the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage. [20]

Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, and manufactures would present a fund of information of great practical value to the country. While I make no suggestion as to details, I venture the opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profitably be organized.

The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade, has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a subject of gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of this inhuman traffic, have been recently attended with unusual success. Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade have been seized and condemned. [21] Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade, and one person in equipping a vessel as a slaver, have been convicted and subjected to the penalty of fine and imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of offence under our laws, the punishment of which is death. [22]

The Territories of Colorado, Dakotah and Nevada, created by the last Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying, when it is considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these new countries when the federal officers arrived there.

The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the security and protection afforded by organized government, will doubtless invite to them a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of the country to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the legislature of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of the Territory. So far the authority of the United States has been upheld in all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend their interests and defence to the enlightened and generous care of Congress.

I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests of the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no representative in Congress, that body should not overlook their just claims upon the government.

At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation of the industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of the industry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. I regret to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject,---a subject at once so interesting in itself, and so extensively and intimately connected with the material prosperity of the world. Through the Secretaries of State and of the Interior a plan, or system, has been devised, and partly matured, and which will be laid before you. [23]

Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled ``An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes,'' approved August, 6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service of certain other persons have become forfeited; and numbers of the latter, thus liberated, are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting such persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on with such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by the general government, be at once deemed free; and that, in any event, steps be taken for colonizing both classes, (or the one first mentioned, if the other shall not be brought into existence,) at some place, or places, in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider, too,---whether the free colored people already in the United States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in such colonization. [24]

To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practiced the acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on the plea of great expediency. If it be said that the only legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men, this measure effects that object; for the emigration of colored men leaves additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on political and commercial grounds than on providing room for population.

On this whole proposition,---including the appropriation of money with the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute necessity---that, without which the government itself cannot be perpetuated? The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for suppressing the insurrection, I have been anxious and careful that the inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have, therefore, in every case, thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the primary object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the legislature.

In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade of the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force, by proclamation, the law of Congress enacted at the late session, for closing those ports. [25]

So, also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations of law, instead of transcending, I have adhered to the act of Congress to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly considered.

The Union must be preserved, and hence, all indispensable means must be employed. We should not be in haste to determine that radical and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable.

The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration, and the message to Congress at the late special session, were both mainly devoted to the domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or subtract, to or from, the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those documents.

The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably, expired at the assault upon Fort Sumter; and a general review of what has occurred since may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain then, is much better defined and more distinct now; and the progress of events is plainly in the right direction. The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's line; and the friends of the Union were not free from apprehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled definitely and on the right side. South of the line, noble little Delaware led off right from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the Union. Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up, within her limits; and we were many days, at one time, without the ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now, her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the government; she already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union and none to the enemy; and her people, at a regular election, have sustained the Union, by a larger majority, and a larger aggregate vote than they ever before gave to any candidate, or any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now decidedly, and, I think, unchangeably, ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet; and I believe cannot again be overrun by the insurrectionists. These three States of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, neither of which would promise a single soldier at first, have now an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in the field, for the Union; while, of their citizens, certainly not more than a third of that number, and they of doubtful whereabouts, and doubtful existence, are in arms against it. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes on the Union people of western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own country.

An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating the narrow peninsular region, constituting the counties of Accomac and Northampton, and known as eastern shore of Virginia, together with some contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms; and the people there have renewed their allegiance to, and accepted the protection of, the old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the Potomac, or east of the Chesapeake.

Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points, on the southern coast, of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Savannah, and Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of popular movements, in behalf of the Union, in North Carolina and Tennessee.

These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing steadily and certainly southward.

Since your last adjournment, Lieutenant General Scott has retired from the head of the army. During his long life, the nation has not been unmindful of his merit; yet, on calling to mind how faithfully, ably and brilliantly he has served the country, from a time far back in our history, when few of the now living had been born, and thenceforward continually, I cannot but think we are still his debtors. I submit, therefore, for your consideration, what further mark of recognition is due to him, and to ourselves, as a grateful people.

With the retirement of General Scott came the executive duty of appointing, in his stead, a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected. The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of General McClellan for the position; and in this the nation seemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is therefore in considerable degree, the selection of the Country as well as of the Executive; and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given him, the confidence, and cordial support thus, by fair implication, promised, and without which, he cannot, with so full efficiency, serve the country.

It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones; and the saying is true, if taken to mean no more than that an army is better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones, at variance, and cross-purposes with each other.

And the same is true, in all joint operations wherein those engaged, can have none but a common end in view, and can differ only as to the choice of means. In a storm at sea, no one on board can wish the ship to sink; and yet, not unfrequently, all go down together, because too many will direct, and no single mind can be allowed to control.

It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government---the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgement of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, except the legislative boldly advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of the people in government, is the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people.

In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.

It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general argument should be made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its connexions, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above labor, in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connexion with capital; that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it, induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers, or what we call slaves. And further it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer, is fixed in that condition for life.

Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed; nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them are groundless.

Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital, producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of community exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and, with their capital, hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong to neither class---neither work for others, nor have others working for them. In most of the southern States, a majority of the whole people of all colors are neither slaves nor masters; while in the northern a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families---wives, sons, and daughters---work for themselves, on their farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their own labor with capital---that is, they labor with their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed, and not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed class.

Again: as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world, labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself; then labors on his own account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just, and generous, and prosperous system, which opens the way to all---gives hope to all, and consequent energy, and progress, and improvement of condition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty---none less inclined to take, or touch, aught which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost.

From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy years; and we find our population at the end of the period eight times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things which men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus have at one view, what the popular principle applied to government, through the machinery of the States and the Union, has produced in a given time; and also what, if firmly maintained, it promises for the future. There are already among us those, who, if the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain two hundred and fifty millions. The struggle of today, is not altogether for today---it is for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence, all the more firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon us.

December 3, 1861 ABRAHAM LINCOLN


Annotation

[1] DS, DNA RG 233, Thirty-seventh Congress, Second Session, Original Annual Message of the President---Interior. Pages 14-20 and 27 of the manuscript are missing. For these passages our text follows the printing in Senate Executive Document No. 1. The manuscript was copied by several different amanuenses. Only the date line and the signature are in Lincoln's handwriting. No trace of Lincoln's original manuscript has been found.

[2] See Thirty-seventh Congress, Second Session, Senate Executive Document No. 1, I, 21-441.

[3] Ibid., II, 8: ``It is of great importance that immediate attention should be given to the condition of our Fortifications upon the seaboard and the Lakes, and upon our exposed frontiers. They should at once be placed in perfect condition for successful defence. Aggressions are seldom made upon a nation ever ready to defend its honor and to repel insults; and we should show to the world, that while engaged in quelling disturbances at home we are able to protect ourselves against attacks from abroad. . . .''

[4] Ibid., I, 177-81. The Perthshire left Mobile with a cargo of cotton within the time granted by Proclamations of Blockade (q.v. April 19 and 27, supra). On June 9, she was seized and boarded by the U.S.S. Massachusetts off Pensacola, but was released on June 12, 1861.

[5] Under the convention with China of November 8, 1858, settlement of claims of U.S. citizens was to come from one-fifth of the receipts for tonnage and export and import duties levied on American vessels at Canton, Shanghai, and Foochow. Buchanan's Annual Message of December 4, 1860, suggested that the surplus of more than $200,000, remaining after the awards and belonging in equity to China, should be appropriated to ``some benevolent object in which the Chinese may be specially interested.''

[6] See Authorization for the Pembroke, October 28, supra.

[7] Senator Charles Sumner of the committee on Foreign Affairs on February 4 → , 1862, reported a bill, authorizing appointment of diplomatic representatives to Haiti and Liberia, which was approved and signed by Lincoln on June 5.

[8] From this point to footnote 12 the text is taken from Senate Executive Document No. 1.

[9] See Senate Executive Document No. 1, II, 3-4, 15-56.

[10] Vide infra.

[11] See Senate Executive Document No. 1, III.

[12] At this point the manuscript resumes.

[13] An act approved July 15, 1862, created nine circuits including all the states except California and Oregon and repealed all acts giving District Courts the power of circuit courts. Further changes were brought about by the act approved March 3, 1863, which fixed the number of justices of the Supreme Court at nine plus the chief justice, and created the Tenth Circuit consisting of California and Oregon.

[14] Senator Charles Sumner introduced a resolution on December 12, asking that the Committee on the Judiciary consider establishing by law a commission to revise, correct, arrange, and simplify the public statutes, and on January 28, 1862, introduced a bill (S. 174) to effect the object. The bill was sent to the Committee on the Judiciary whence it was reported on May 31 by Senator Lyman Trumbull without amendment for consideration by the Committee of the Whole. Further consideration was postponed ``until 1st Monday in December next,'' and the bill was not revived. Not until June 27, 1866, was a law approved giving the president authority to appoint three commissioners to accomplish the revision.

[15] Page twenty-seven of the manuscript is missing at this point. The text here follows Senate Executive Document No. 1.

[16] A bill introduced on January 9, 1862, by Senator Daniel Clark to amend the Act of February 24, 1855, in accord with Lincoln's suggestion, was not finally approved and signed by the president until March 3, 1863.

[17] The manuscript resumes with this paragraph.

[18] The regaining of that portion of the District of Columbia retroceded to Virginia by act of Congress, July 9, 1846, was the subject of a bill introduced in the House by Representative Charles H. Upton of Virginia, December 4, 1861, but nothing came of it.

[19] See Senate Executive Document No. 1, I.

[20] The bill establishing the Department of Agriculture was approved and signed by Lincoln on May 15, 1862.

[21] The vessels and dates of seizure are listed as follows: Nightingale, June 20, 1861; Augusta, June 19, 1861; Falmouth, August 2, 1861; Triton, July 12, 1861; Augusta, November 11, 1861. The Augusta had been released and reseized (Senate Executive Document No. 53, May 29, 1862).

[22] Captain Nathaniel Gordon of the Erie, convicted November 30, 1861, and hanged February 21, 1862. See Stay of Execution, ← February 4, 1862, infra.

[23] See Lincoln's Message of December 20, infra.

[24] Lincoln probably had the Chiriqui project in mind (see Lincoln to Caleb B. Smith, October 23 and 24, supra). Smith's ``Report on the Transportation, Settlement, and Colonization of Persons of the African Race,'' May 9, 1862, may be found in Thirty-ninth Congress, First Session, Senate Executive Document No. 55.

[25] The Act of July 13, 1861, had provided that if the duties could not be collected in any district the president was empowered to close such ports and give notice by proclamation.

Looking back at Lincoln: On this day, 1861

On this day in 1861, London Times reporter William Russell wrote this account in his diary after an encounter with President Abraham Lincoln at the residence of General George McClellan:

"October 9

Calling on the General (McClellan - commander of the Army of the Potomac) the other night at his usual time of return, I was told by the orderly, who was closing the door, 'The General's gone to bed tired, and can see no one. He sent the same message to the President, who came inquiring after him ten minutes ago.'

This poor President! He is to be pitied; surrounded by such scenes, and trying with all his might to understand strategy, naval warfare, big guns, the movements of troops, military maps, reconnaissances, occupations, interior and exterior lines, and all the technical details of the art of slaying. He runs from one house to another, armed with plans, papers, reports, recommendations, sometimes good humoured, never angry, occasionally dejected, and always a little fussy. The other night, as I was sitting in the parlour at headquarters, with an English friend who had come to see his old acquaintance the General, walked in a tall man with a navy's cap, and an ill-made shooting suit, from the pockets of which protruded paper and bundles. 'Well,' said he to Brigadier Van Vliet, who rose to receive him, 'is George in?'

'Yes, sir. He's come back, but is lying down, very much fatigued. I'll send up, sir, and inform him you wish to see him.'

'Oh, no; I can wait. I think I'll take supper with him. Well, and what are you now, - I forget your name - are you a major, or a colonel, or a general?' 'Whatever you like to make me, sir.'

Seeing that General McClellan would be occupied, I walked out with my friend, who asked me when I got into the street why I stood up when that tall fellow came into the room.

'Because it was the President.'

'The President of what?'

'Of the United States.'

'Oh! come, now you're humbugging me. Let me have another look at him.'

He came back more incredulous than ever, but when I assured him I was quite serious, he exclaimed, 'I give up the United States after this.'

But for all that, there have been many more courtly presidents who, in a similar crisis, would have displayed less capacity, honesty, and plain dealing than Abraham Lincoln."

Looking back at Lincoln: On this day, 1818

On this day in 1818, Abraham Lincoln's beloved mother Sarah Hanks died of the milk sickness in Spencer County Indiana (what was then the town of Little Pigeon Creek.) The milk sickness was caused by drinking the milk of a cow that has eaten the poisonous white snakeroot. Abraham Lincoln was 9 years old when his mother died. She was 34.

Looking back at Lincoln: On this day, 1842

The 'Rebecca Letter'

LETTER FROM THE LOST TOWNSHIPS.

Dear Mr. Printer: Lost Townships, Aug. 27, 1842.

I see you printed that long letter I sent you a spell ago [2]---I'm quite encouraged by it, and can't keep from writing again. I think the printing of my letters will be a good thing all round,---it will give me the benefit of being known by the world, and give the world the advantage of knowing what's going on in the Lost Townships, and give your paper respectability besides. So here come [3] another. Yesterday afternoon I hurried through cleaning up the dinner dishes, and stepped over to neighbor S--- to see if his wife Peggy was as well as mought be expected, and hear what they called the baby. Well, when I got there, and just turned round the corner of his log cabin, there he was setting on the door-step reading a newspaper.

`How are you Jeff,' says I,---he sorter started when he heard me, for he hadn't seen me before. `Why,' says he, `I'm mad as the devil, aunt Becca.'

`What about,' says I, `aint its hair the right color? None of that nonsense, Jeff---there aint an honester woman in the Lost Township than---'

`Than who?' says he, `what the mischief are you about?'

I began to see I was running the wrong trail, and so says I, `O nothing, I guess I was mistaken a little, that's all. But what is it you're mad about?'

`Why,' says he, `I've been tugging ever since harvest getting out wheat and hauling it to the river, to raise State Bank paper enough to pay my tax this year, and a little school debt I owe; and now just as I've got it, here I open this infernal Extra Register, expecting to find it full of ``glorious democratic victories,'' and ``High Comb'd Cocks,'' when, lo and behold, I find a set of fellows calling themselves officers of State, have forbidden the tax collectors and school commissioners to receive State paper at all; and so here it is, dead on my hands. [4] I don't now believe all the plunder I've got will fetch ready cash enough to pay my taxes and that school debt.'

I was a good deal thunderstruck myself; for that was the first I had heard of the proclamation, and my old man was pretty much in the same fix with Jeff. We both stood a moment, staring at one another without knowing what to say. At last says I, `Mr. S--- let me look at that paper.' He handed it to me, when I read the proclamation over.

`There now,' says he, `did you ever see such a piece of impudence and imposition as that?' I saw Jeff was in a good tune for saying some ill-natured things, and so I tho't I would just argue a little on the contrary side, and make him rant a spell if I could.

`Why,' says I, looking as dignified and thoughtful as I could, `it seems pretty tough to be sure, to have to raise silver where there's none to be raised; but then you see ``there will be danger of loss'' if it aint done.'

`Loss, damnation!' says he, `I defy Daniel Webster, I defy King Solomon, I defy the world,---I defy---I defy---yes, I defy even you, aunt Becca, to show how the people can lose any thing by paying their taxes in State paper.' `Well,' says I, `you see what the officers of State say about it, and they are a desarnin set of men.' `But,' says I, `I guess you're mistaken about what the proclamation says; it don't say the people will lose any thing by the paper money being taken for taxes. It only says ``there will be danger of loss,'' and though it is tolerable plain that the people can't lose by paying their taxes in something they can get easier than silver, instead of having to pay silver; and though it is just as plain, that the State can't lose by taking State Bank paper, however low it may be, while she owes the Bank more than the whole revenue, and can pay that paper over on her debt, dollar for dollar; still there is danger of loss to the ``officers of State,'' and you know Jeff, we can't get along without officers of State.'

`Damn officers of State,' says he, `that's what you whigs are always hurraing for.' `Now don't swear so Jeff,' says I, `you know I belong to the meetin, and swearin hurts my feelins.' `Beg pardon, aunt Becca,' says he, `but I do say its enough to make Dr. Goddard [5] swear, to have tax to pay in silver, for nothing only that Ford [6] may get his two thousand a year, and Shields his twenty four hundred a year, and Carpenter [7] his sixteen hundred a year, and all without ``danger of loss'' by taking it in State paper.' `Yes, yes, it's plain enough now what these officers of State mean by ``danger of loss.'' Wash, [8] I 'spose, actually lost fifteen hundred dollars out of the three thousand that two of these ``officers of State'' let him steal from the Treasury, by being compelled to take it in State paper. Wonder if we don't have a proclamation before long, commanding us to make up this loss to Wash in silver.'

And so he went on, till his breath run out, and he had to stop. I couldn't think of any thing to say just then: and so I begun to look over the paper again. `Aye! here's another proclamation, or something like it.' `Another!' says Jeff, `and whose egg is it, pray?' I looked to the bottom of it, and read aloud, `Your obedient servant, JAS SHIELDS, Auditor.'

`Aha!' says Jeff, `one of them same three fellows again. Well read it, and let's hear what of it.' I read on till I came to where it says, ``The object of this measure is to suspend the collection of the revenue for the current year.'' `Now stop, now stop,' says he, `that's a lie aready, and I don't want to hear of it.' `O may be not,' says I.

`I say it---is---a---lie. --- Suspend the collection, indeed! Will the collectors that have taken their oaths to make the collection DARE to suspend it? Is there any thing in the law requiring them to perjure themselves at the bidding of Jas. Shields? Will the greedy gullet of the penitentiary be satisfied with swallowing him instead of all them if they should venture to obey him? And would he not discover some ``danger of loss'' and be off, about the time it came to taking their places?

`And suppose the people attempt to suspend by refusing to pay, what then? The collectors would just jerk up their horses, and cows, and the like, and sell them to the highest bidder for silver in hand, without valuation or redemption. Why, Shields didn't believe that story himself---it was never meant for the truth. If it was true, why was it not writ till five days after the proclamation? Why didn't Carlin [9] and Carpenter sign it as well as Shields? Answer me that, aunt Becca. I say its a lie, and not a well told one at that. It grins out like a copper dollar. Shields is a fool as well as a liar. With him truth is out of the question, and as for getting a good bright passable lie out of him, you might as well try to strike fire from a cake of tallow. I stick to it, its all an infernal whig lie.'

`A whig lie,---Highty! Tighty!!'

`Yes, a whig lie; and its just like every thing the cursed British whigs do. First they'll do some devilment, and then they'll tell a lie to hide it. And they don't care how plain a lie it is; they think they can cram any sort of a one down the throats of the ignorant loco focos, as they call the democrats.'

`Why, Jeff, you're crazy---you don't mean to say Shields is a whig.'

`Yes I do.'

`Why, look here, the proclamation is in your own democratic paper as you call it.'

`I know it, and what of that? They only printed it to let us democrats see the deviltry the whigs are at.'

`Well, but Shields is the Auditor of this loco---I mean this democratic State.'

`So he is, and Tyler appointed him to office.'

`Tyler appointed him?'

`Yes (if you must chaw it over) Tyler appointed him, or if it wasn't him it was old granny Harrison, and that's all one. I tell you, aunt Becca, there's no mistake about his being a whig---why his very looks shows it---every thing about him shows it---if I was deaf and blind I could tell him by the smell. I seed him when I was down in Springfield last winter. They had a sort of a gatherin there one night, among the grandees, they called a fair. All the galls about town was there, and all the handsome widows, and married women, finickin about, trying to look like galls, tied as tight in the middle, and puffed out at both ends like bundles of fodder that hadn't been stacked yet, but wanted stackin pretty bad. And then they had tables all round the house kivered over with baby caps, and pin-cushions, and ten thousand such little nicknacks, tryin to sell 'em to the fellows that were bowin and scrapin, and kungeerin about 'em. They wouldn't let no democrats in, for fear they'd disgust the ladies, or scare the little galls, or dirty the floor. I looked in at the window, and there was this same fellow Shields floatin about on the air, without heft or earthly substance, just like a lock of cat-fur where cats had been fightin.

`He was paying his money to this one and that one, and tother one, and sufferin great loss because it wasn't silver instead of State paper; and the sweet distress he seemed to be in,---his very features, in the exstatic agony of his soul, spoke audibly and distinctly---``Dear girls, it is distressing, but I cannot marry you all. Too well I know how much you suffer; but do, do remember, it is not my fault that I am so handsome and so interesting.''

`As this last was expressed by a most exquisite contortion of his face, he seized hold of one of their hands and squeezed, and held on to it about a quarter of an hour. O, my good fellow, says I to myself, if that was one of our democratic galls in the Lost Township, the way you'd get a brass pin let into you, would be about up to the head. He a democrat! Fiddle-sticks! I tell you, aunt Becca, he's a whig, and no mistake: nobody but a whig could make such a conceity dunce of himself.'

`Well,' says I, `may be he is, but if he is, I'm mistaken the worst sort.

`May be so; may be so; but if I am I'll suffer by it; I'll be a democrat if it turns out that Shields is a whig; considerin you shall be a whig if he turns out a democrat.'

`A bargain, by jingoes,' says he, `but how will we find out.'

`Why,' says I, `we'll just write and ax the printer.' `Agreed again,' says he, `and by thunder if it does turn out that Shields is a democrat, I never will ---'

`Jefferson,---Jefferson---'

`What do you want, Peggy.'

`Do get through your everlasting clatter some time, and bring me a gourd of water; the child's been crying for a drink this livelong hour.'

`Let it die then, it may as well die for water as to be taxed to death to fatten officers of State.'

Jeff run off to get the water though, just like he hadn't been sayin any thing spiteful; for he's a rall good hearted fellow, after all, once you get at the foundation of him.

I walked into the house, and `why Peggy,' says I, `I declare, we like to forgot you altogether.' `O yes,' says she, `when a body can't help themselves, every body soon forgets 'em; but thank God by day after to-morrow I shall be well enough to milk the cows and pen the calves, and wring the contrary one's tails for 'em, and no thanks to nobody.' `Geod evening, Peggy,' says I, and so I sloped, for I seed she was mad at me, for making Jeff neglect her so long.

And now Mr. Printer, will you be sure to let us know in your next paper whether this Shields is a whig or a democrat? I don't care about it for myself, for I know well enough how it is already, but I want to convince Jeff. It may do some good to let him, and others like him, know who and what these officers of State are. It may help to send the present hypocritical set to where they belong, and to fill the places they now disgrace with men who will do more work, for less pay, and take a fewer airs while they are doing it. It aint sensible to think that the same men who get us into trouble will change their course; and yet its pretty plain, if some change for the better is not made, its not long that neither Peggy, or I, or any of us, will have a cow left to milk, or a calf's tail to wring. Yours, truly, REBECCA---.

Annotation

[1] Sangamo Journal, September 2, 1842.

[2] The first of the letters signed ``Rebecca'' dated August 10, 1842, appeared in the Journal, on August 19, 1842. The author of this first letter was not Lincoln. In all probability the same pen produced it which had produced an earlier series of letters from ``Lost Townships,'' printed in the Journal on February 10, May 5, May 26, and September 15, 1838. The first of this series, dated January 20, 1838, has a number of interesting parallels in style to the first of the ``Rebecca'' series, and reiterates the correspondent's intention of sending the editor a present (a pot of butter in the 1838 letter, a jar of pickles in the 1842 letter) in such a way that one may suspect the editor of the Journal of bending his literary talent to stimulate rural subscribers, notoriously in arrears, to pay in produce.

Be this as it may, there is no satisfactory evidence that Lincoln wrote the earlier series of letters from Lost Townships, and Lincoln's own testimony is against his having written any of the second series except the second letter, which is printed here.

Two more letters appeared in the Journal on September 9: one dated August 29 was comparatively mild in its satire and written in the same vein as the first letter of August 10; the other dated September 8 was somewhat amateurish and made even more offensive personal allusions than those contained in Lincoln's letter. This fourth letter, written by Mary Todd and Julia Jayne, and a piece of doggerel signed ``Cathleen,'' which appeared in the Journal on September 16, presumably had much to do with James Shields' decision to demand from the editor, Simeon Francis, the name of the pseudonymous author. Francis may have given Shields Lincoln's name only, or Shields may have concluded on his own responsibility that only Lincoln could give him satisfaction.

In any event, the remainder of the story is told in the duel correspondence (vide infra).

[3] The editors have been chary of correcting typographical errors, since the intent of semi-literacy is part of Lincoln's satire.

[4] The failure of the State Bank in February, 1842, put a premium on ``sound'' money. State Bank currency was accepted only at a discount, and since other legal tender was scarce many transactions were carried on by barter. That Shields as State Auditor was acting in the best interests of the State in refusing to honor the currency of the State Bank was beside the point so far as Whig political tactics were concerned.

[5] Probably Dr. Addison S. Goddard, Methodist minister.

[6] Thomas Ford, Democrat, governor 1842-1846.

[7] Milton Carpenter, state treasurer, Democrat.

[8] Milton H. Wash, clerk in Shields' office, who had embezzled $1161 of state funds.

[9] Thomas Carlin, Democrat, governor 1838-1842.

Looking back at Lincoln: On July 4, 1861

On this day in 1861, Lincoln called Congress into special session (in order to receive permission to pay for the war) and explained his actions at the outbreak of the war, as well as the need to defend the Union and its ideal of equal opportunity.

Lincoln made many revisions of this speech both before and after it was given, thus there are many, many footnotes in the Annotation section. Author Douglas L. Wilson (Lincoln's Sword) used this speech as an example of Lincoln's process of continued revisions, and the clues that can be found about his thought processes - the way he crafted his speeches - as we watch the changes from one revision to the next:

I was very interested in the major speeches for which we have more than one draft. I knew I wanted to do something with them. For example, the Message to Congress on July 4, 1861. For this very important address, in which Lincoln undertakes to define the issues, to say at the outset what the Civil War was to be about, you can follow the process when you go from draft to draft. If you only read the finished product you can, perhaps, get some insight into the process by analyzing the argument or from other anecdotal evidence. But having so many manuscript drafts for the July 4 message, one can literally watch him building that speech.

Here is the speech, from the online edition of 'The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln:'

Message to Congress in Special Session [1]
July 4, 1861

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

Having [2] been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation.

At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, [3] the functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally [4] suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the Post Office Department.

Within these States, all the Forts, Arsenals, Dock-yards, Customhouses, and the like, including the movable and stationary property in, and about them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this Government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on, and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, South Carolina. The Forts thus seized had been put in improved condition; new ones had been built; and armed forces had been organized, and were organizing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose.

The Forts remaining in the possession of the Federal government, in, and near, these States, were either [5] besieged or menaced by warlike preparations; and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten [6] to one. A disproportionate share, [7]of the Federal muskets and rifles, [8] had somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized, to be used against the government. Accumulations of the public revenue, lying within them, [9] had been seized for the same object. The Navy was scattered [10] in distant seas; leaving but a very small part of it within the immediate reach of the government. Officers [11] of the Federal Army and Navy, had resigned in great numbers; and, of those resigning, a and large proportion had taken up arms against the government. Simultaneously, and in connection, with all this, the purpose to sever the Federal Union, was openly avowed. In accordance with this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, declaring the States, respectively, to be separated from the National Union. A [12] formula for instituting a combined government of these states had been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the character of confederate States was already invoking recognition, aid, and intervention, from Foreign Powers.

Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imperative duty upon the incoming Executive, to prevent, if possible, the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that end became indispensable. This choice was made; and was declared in the Inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures, before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and property, not already wrested from the Government, and to collect the revenue; relying for the rest, on time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at government expense, to the very people who were resisting the government; and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people, or any of their rights. Of all that which a president might constitutionally, and justifiably, do in such a case, everything was foreborne, without which, it was believed possible to keep the government on foot.

On the 5th of March, (the present incumbent's first full day in office) a letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th of February, and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was, by that Department, placed in his hands. This letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer, that re-inforcements could not be thrown into that Fort within the time for his relief, rendered necessary by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good, and well-disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command; and their memoranda on the subject, were made enclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieutenant General Scott, who at once concurred with Major Anderson in opinion. On reflection, [13] however, he took full time, consulting with other officers, both of the Army and the Navy; and, at the end of four days, came reluctantly, but decidedly, to the same conclusion as before. He also stated [14] at the same time that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the Government, or could be raised, and brought to the ground, within the time when the provisions in the Fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced the duty of the administration, in the case, to the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the Fort. [15]

It was [16] believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the circumstances, [17] would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which it was to be done, would not be fully understood---that, by many, it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy---that, at home, it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter, a recognition [18] abroad---that, in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. [19] Starvation was not yet upon the garrison; and ere it would be reached, Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last, would be a clear indication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter, as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the troops from the Steamship Brooklyn, into Fort Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer, and slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was received just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was, that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the late administration, (and [20] of the existence of which, the present administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too vague and uncertain rumors, to fix attention) had refused to land the troops. To now re-inforce Fort Pickens, before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter was impossible---rendered so by the near exhaustion of provisions in the latter-named Fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, commenced preparing an expedition, as well adapted as might be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to circumstances. The strongest anticipated case, for using it, was now presented; and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended, in this contingency, it was also resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina, that he might except an attempt would be made to provision the Fort; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the Fort. This notice was accordingly given; whereupon the Fort was attacked, and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition.

It is thus seen that the assault upon, and reduction of, Fort Sumter, was, in no sense, a matter of self defence on the part of the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the Fort could, by no possibility, commit aggression upon them. They knew---they were expressly notified---that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry [21] men of the garrison, was all which would on that occasion [22] be attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that this Government desired to keep the garrison in the Fort, not to assail [23] them, but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual, and immediate dissolution---trusting, as herein-before stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-box, for final adjustment; and they assailed, and reduced the Fort, for precisely the reverse object---to drive out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution.

That this was their object, the Executive well understood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, ``You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors,'' he took pains, not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry, [24] as that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then, and thereby, the assailants of the Government, began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight, or in expectancy, to return their fire, save only the few in the Fort, sent to that harbor, years before, for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection, in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country, the distinct issue: ``Immediate dissolution, or blood.''

And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man, the question, whether a constitutional [25] republic, or a democracy---a government of the people, by the same people---can, or cannot, maintain its territorial integrity, against its own domestic foes. It presents the question, whether discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control administration, according to organic law, in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this case, or on any other pretences, or arbitrarily, without any pretence, break up their Government, and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forces us to ask: ``Is there, in all republics, this inherent, and fatal weakness?'' ``Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?''

So viewing the issue, no choice was left [26] but to call out the war power [27] of the Government; and so to resist force, employed for its destruction, by force, for its preservation.

The call was made; and the response of the country was most gratifying; [28] surpassing, in unanimity and spirit, the most sanguine expectation. Yet none of the States commonly called Slavestates, except Delaware, [29] gave a Regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments have been organized within some others [30] of those states, by individual enterprise, and received into the government [31] service. Of course the seceded States, so called, (and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the inauguration,) gave no troops to the cause of the Union. The border States, so called, were not uniform in their actions; some of them being almost for the Union, while in [32] others---as Virginia, North

Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas---the [33] Union sentiment was nearly repressed, and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most remarkable---perhaps the most important. A convention, elected by the people of that State, to consider this very question of disrupting the Federal Union, was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many [34] members of that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and, with them, adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their great resentment at the government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. Although [35] they submitted the ordinance, for ratification, to vote of the people, to be taken on a day then [36] somewhat more than a month distant, [37] the convention, and the Legislature, (Which was also in session at the same time and place) with leading men of the State, not members of either, immediately commenced acting, as if the State were [38] already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations vigorously forward all over the state. They seized the United States Armory at Harper's Ferry, and the Navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received---perhaps invited---into their state, large bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded [39] States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance, and co-operation with the so-called ``Confederate States,'' [40] and sent members to their Congress at Montgomery. And, finally, they permitted the insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capital at Richmond.

The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice left but to deal with it, where it finds it. And it has the less regret, as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection.

Those loyal [41] citizens, this government is bound to recognize, and protect, as being Virginia.

In [42] the border States, so called---in fact, the middle states---there are those who favor a policy which they call ``armed neutrality''---that is, an arming of those states to prevent the Union forces passing one way, or the disunion, the other, over their soil. This would be disunion completed. [43] Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an impassable wall along the line of separation. And yet, not quite an impassable one; for, under the guise of neutrality, it would tie the hands of the Union men, and freely pass supplies from among them, to the insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke, it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do for the disunionists that which, of all things, they most desire---feed them well, and give them disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to maintain the Union; and while [44] very many who have favored it are, doubtless, loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, treason in effect.

Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that, at first, a call was made for seventy-five thousand militia; and rapidly following this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of Blockade. So far all was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering. [45]

Other calls were made for volunteers, [46] to serve three years, unless sooner discharged; and also for large additions to the regular Army and Navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon, under what appeared to be a popular demand, and a public necessity; trusting, then as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency of Congress. [47]

Soon after the first call for militia, it [48] was considered a duty to authorize the Commanding General, in proper cases, according to his discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus; or, in other words, to arrest, and detain, without resort to the ordinary processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to the public safety. This [49] authority has purposely been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been done under it, are questioned; and [50] the attention of the country has been called to the proposition that one who is sworn to ``take care that the laws be faithfully executed,'' should not himself violate them. Of course some consideration was given to the questions of power, and propriety, before this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to be faithfully executed, were being resisted, and failing of execution, in nearly one-third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of execution, even had it been perfectly clear, that by the use of the means necessary to their execution, some single law, made in such extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty, that [51] practically, it relieves more of the guilty, than of the innocent, should, to a very limited extent, be violated? To state the question more directly, are all the laws, but one, to go unexecuted, and the government itself go to pieces, lest that one be violated? [52] Even [53] in such a case, would not the official oath be broken, if the government should be overthrown, when it was believed that disregarding the single law, would tend to preserve it? But it was not believed that this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The provision of the Constitution that ``The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it,'' is equivalent to a provision---is a provision---that such privilege may be suspended when, in cases of rebellion, or invasion, the public safety does require it. It [54] was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ [55] which was [56] authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress, and not the Executive, is vested with this power. But the Constitution itself, is silent as to which, or who, is to exercise the power; and as the provision was [57] plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it [58] cannot be believed [59] the framers of the instrument intended, that in every case, the danger should run its course, until Congress could be called together; the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the rebellion.

No [60] more extended argument is now offered; as an opinion, at some length, will probably be presented by the Attorney General. Whether there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is [61] submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress.

The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary, and so long continued, as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they supposed the early destruction of our national Union was probable. While this, on discovery, gave the Executive some concern, he is now happy to say [62] that the sovereignty, and rights of the United States, are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; and a general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the world.

The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy, will give the information in detail deemed necessary, and convenient for your deliberation, and action; while the Executive, and all the Departments, will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts, considered important for you to know.

It [63] is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this contest a short, and a decisive one; that you [64] place at the control of the government, for the work, at least four hundred thousand men, and four hundred millions of dollars. That number of men is about one tenth [65] of those of proper ages within the regions where, apparently, [66]all are willing to engage; and the sum is less than a twentythird [67] part of the money value owned by the men who seem [68] ready to devote the whole. A debt of six hundred millions of dollars now, is a less sum per head, than was the debt of our revolution, when we came out of that struggle; and the money value in the country now, bears even a greater proportion to what it was then, than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now, to preserve our liberties, as each had then, to establish them.

A right result, at this time, will be worth more to the world, than ten times the men, and ten times the money. [69] The evidence reaching us from the country, leaves no doubt, that the material for the work is abundant; and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction, and the hand of the Executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One [70] of the greatest perplexities of the government, is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will save their government, if the government itself, will do its part, only indifferently well.

It might seem, at first thought, to be of [71] little difference whether the present movement at the South be called ``secession'' or ``rebellion.'' The movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning, they knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude, by any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as much pride in, and reverence for, the history, and government, of their common country, as any other civilized, and patriotic people. They knew they could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly they commenced by an insidious debauching of the public mind. [72] They invented an [73] ingenious sophism, which, if conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself [74] is, that any state of the Union may, consistently with the national Constitution, and therefore lawfully, and peacefully, withdraw from the Union, without the consent of the Union, or of any other state. The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the [75] sole judge of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice.

With rebellion thus sugar-coated, they have been drugging the public mind of their section for more than thirty years; and, until at length, they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical pretence of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been brought to no such thing the day before.

This sophism derives much---perhaps the whole---of its currency, from the assumption, that there is some omnipotent, and sacred supremacy, pertaining to a State---to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither more, nor less power, than that reserved to them, in the Union, by the Constitution---no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union. The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their British colonial dependence; and the new ones each came into the Union directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas, in its temporary independence, was never designated a State. The new ones only took the designation of States, on coming into the Union, while that name was first adopted for the old ones, in, and by, the Declaration of Independence. Therein the ``United Colonies'' were declared to be ``Free and Independent States''; but, even then, the object plainly was not to declare their independence of one another, or of the Union; but directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge, and their mutual action, before, at the time, [76] and afterwards, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith, by each and all of the original thirteen, in the Articles of Confederation, two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. Having never been States, either in substance, or in name, outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of ``State rights,'' asserting a claim of power [77] to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about the ``sovereignty'' of the States; but the word, even, is not in the national Constitution; nor, as is [78] believed, in any of the State constitutions. What [79] is a ``sovereignty,'' in the political sense of the term? Would it be far wrong to define it ``A political community, without a political superior''? Tested by this, no one of our States, except Texas, ever was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union; by which act, she acknowledged the Constitution of the United States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in pursuance of the Constitution, to be, for her, the supreme law of the land. The States have their status IN the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break from this, they [80] can only do so against law, and by revolution. The [81] Union, and not themselves separately, procured their independence, and their liberty. By conquest, or purchase, the Union gave each of them, whatever of independence, and liberty, it has. The Union is older than any of the States; and, in fact, it created them as States. [82] Originally, [83] some dependent colonies made the Union; and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence, for them, [84] and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution, independent of the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new States framed their constitutions, before they entered the Union; nevertheless, dependent upon, and preparatory to, coming into the Union.

Unquestionably the States have the powers, and rights, reserved to them in, and by the National Constitution; but among these, [85] surely, are not included all conceivable powers, however mischievous, or destructive; but, at most, such only, as were known in the world, at the time, as governmental powers; and certainly, a power to destroy the government itself, had never been known as a governmental---as a merely administrative power. This relative matter of National power, and State rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of generality, and locality. Whatever concerns the whole, should be confided to the whole---to the general government; while, whatever concerns only the State, should be left exclusively, to the State. This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the National Constitution, in defining boundaries between the two, has applied the principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all bound by that defining, without question.

What [86] is now combatted, is the position that secession is consistent with the Constitution---is lawful, and peaceful. It is not contended that there is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be implied as law, which leads to unjust, or absurd consequences. The nation purchased, with money, the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without leave, and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums, (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off without consent, or without making any return? The nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding States, in common with the rest. Is it just, either that [87] creditors shall go unpaid, or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave, and pay no part of this herself?

Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to creditors? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours, when we borrowed their money? If we now recognize this doctrine, by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can [88] do, if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon which they will promise to remain. [89]

The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have assumed to make a National Constitution of their own, in which, [90] of necessity, they have either discarded, or retained, the right of secession, as they insist, it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby admit that, on principle, it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained it, by their own construction of ours they show that [91] to be consistent they must secede from one another, whenever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish, or unjust object. The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no government can possibly endure.

If all the States, save one, should assert the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would at once deny the power, and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being called ``driving the one out,'' should be called ``the seceding of the others from that one,'' it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do; unless, indeed, [92] they make the point, that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do, what the others, because they are a majority, may not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle, and profound, on the rights of minorities. [93] They [94] are not partial to that power which made the Constitution, and speaks from the preamble, calling itself ``We, the People.''

It may well be questioned whether there is, to-day, a majority of the legally qualified voters of any State, except perhaps [95] South Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that [96] the Union men are the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It is ventured to affirm [97] this, even of Virginia and Tennessee; for the result of an election, held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating [98] popular sentiment. At such an election, all that large class who are, at once, for the Union, and against coercion, would be coerced to vote against the Union. [99]

It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the free institutions we enjoy, have developed the powers, and improved the condition, of our whole people, beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking, and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has now on foot, was never before known, without a soldier in it, but who had taken his place there, of his own free choice. But more than this: there are many single Regiments whose members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and there is scarcely one, from which there could not be selected, a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a Court, abundantly competent to administer the government itself. Nor do I say [100] this is not true, also, in the army of our late friends, now adversaries, in this contest; but if it is, so much better the reason why the government, which has conferred such benefits on both them and us, should not be broken up. Whoever, in any section, proposes to abandon such a government, would do well to consider, in deference to what principle it is, that he does it---what better he is likely to get in its stead---whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give, so much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some Declarations of Independence; in which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words ``all men are created equal.'' Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit ``We, the People,'' and substitute ``We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States.'' Why? [101] Why this deliberate pressing out of view, the rights of men, and the authority of the people?

This is essentially a People's contest. On the side of the Union, it is a struggle for maintaining in the world, that form, and substance of government, whose leading object is, to elevate the condition of men---to lift artificial weights from all shoulders---to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all---to afford all, an unfettered start, and a fair chance, in the race of life. Yielding to partial, and temporary departures, from necessity, this is the leading object of the government for whose existence we contend.

I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand, and appreciate this. It is worthy of note, that while in this, the government's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the Army and Navy, who have been favored with the offices, have resigned, and proved [102] false to the [103] hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier, or common sailor is [104] is known to have deserted his flag.

Great [105] honor is due to those officers who remain true, despite the example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and most important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers, and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, [106] they have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those, whose commands, but an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct of the plain people. They understand, without an argument, that [107] destroying the government, which was made by Washington, means no good to them.

Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in it, our people have already settled---the successful establishing, and the successful administering of it. One still remains---its [108] successful maintenance [109] against a formidable [internal] [110] attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the world, that those who can fairly carry an election, can also suppress a rebellion [111]---that ballots are the rightful, and peaceful, successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly, and constitutionally, decided, there can be no successful appeal, back to bullets; that [112] there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace; teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take it by a war---teaching all, the folly of being the beginners of a war.

Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men, as to what is to be the course of the government, towards the Southern States, after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it proper to say, it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution, and the laws; and that he probably will have no different understanding of the powers, and duties of the Federal government, relatively [113] to the rights of the States, and the people, under the Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address. [114]

He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered for all, as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere, have the right to claim this of their government; and the government has no right to withhold, or neglect it. It is not perceived that, in giving it, there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, [115] in any just sense of those terms.

The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the provision, that ``The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government.'' But, if a State may lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may also discard the republican form of government; so that to prevent its going out, is an indispensable means, to the end, of maintaining the guaranty mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it, are also lawful, and obligatory.

It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found the duty of employing the war-power, in defence of the government, forced upon him. He could but perform this duty, or surrender the existence of the government. No [116] compromise, by public servants, could, in this case, be a cure; not that compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can long survive a marked precedent, that those who carry an election, can only save the government from immediate destruction, by giving up the main point, upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. As a private citizen, the Executive [117] could not have consented that these institutions shall perish; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast, and so sacred a trust, as these free people had confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink; nor even to count the chances of his own life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility, he has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views, and your action, may so accord with his, as to assure all faithful citizens, who have been disturbed in their rights, of a certain, and speedy restoration to them, under the Constitution, and the laws.

And having thus chosen our course, without guile, and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, [118] and go forward without fear, and with manly hearts.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN

July 4, 1861.

Annotation

[1] AD, first proof sheets with autograph revisions, second proof sheets, two copies, (1) with revisions by William H. Seward for the most part in the handwriting of Frederick W. Seward, (2) with Lincoln's final revisions, DLC-RTL. Although engrossed official copies of Lincoln's later Messages are in the National Archives, no official copy of the Message of July 4, 1861, has been found. The text reproduced here is that of the second proof containing Lincoln's final revisions, which, with the exception of minor changes in punctuation, are noted in the succeeding footnotes. Variants, emendations, and deletions made by Lincoln in the manuscript and on the first proof are also indicated in the footnotes. Minor inconsistencies in usage occurring in Lincoln's manuscript and autograph changes in the proof sheets have been made to conform with the printed proof, but Lincoln's paragraphing, punctuation and capitalization in the manuscript and autograph corrections have been retained in some cases even though not followed by the printers who set the proofs.

[2] The first paragraph revised to the present text in the manuscript, stood originally as follows: ``Having convened you on an extraordinary occasion as contemplated by the Constitution, I do not ask your attention to any ordinary subject of legislation. You will act on your own judgment and pleasure whether you will consider any such.''

[3] ``All'' standing in the manuscript and first proof, deleted at this point in the second proof by Seward. Deletion adopted by Lincoln.

[4] ``Entirely'' in the manuscript, changed by Seward in the second proof to ``generally.'' Adopted by Lincoln.

[5] ``Either beseiged or'' inserted by Seward in the second proof. Adopted by Lincoln.

[6] ``Perhaps ten'' inserted by Lincoln in the blank space which had stood from manuscript to second proof.

[7] ``Both in number and quality,'' in manuscript and first proof, deleted in second proof.

[8] ``Arms and ammunition,'' in the manuscript and first proof, deleted in second proof, and ``muskets and rifles'' inserted.

[9] ``These States'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed by Seward to ``them'' in second proof. Adopted by Lincoln.

[10] ``And'' in the manuscript and first proof, deleted at this point in the second proof by Seward. Deletion adopted by Lincoln.

[11] ``The officers'' in the manuscript and first proof; ``The'' deleted in the second proof by Seward. Deletion adopted by Lincoln.

[12] This sentence was slightly revised by Lincoln from Seward's suggestion in the second proof. The manuscript and first proof read as follows: ``Also the forms of establishing a federal government of these States, with departments, and provisions, similar to our own, had been gone through; and this supposed Federal government, under the name and style of `The Confederate States of America,' had assumed national independence, and was suing for it's recognition by the powers of the earth.''

[13] ``At the request of the executive,'' in the manuscript, replaced by ``On reflection,'' in first proof.

[14] ``Informed the executive,'' in the manuscript, replaced by ``stated,'' in first proof.

[15] The following sentence deleted from the manuscript at this point: ``In fact, General Scott advised that this should be done at once.''

[16] ``The executive,'' in the manuscript, changed to ``It was'' in first proof.

[17] ``Under the circumstances'' inserted by Seward and adopted by Lincoln in the second proof.

[18] ``Of independence,'' in the manuscript and first proof, deleted at this point by Seward. Deletion adopted by Lincoln.

[19] ``The administration hesitated.'' in the manuscript, changed in first proof to the sentence in the text.

[20] The portion in parentheses appears in the manuscript as a revision of the following: ``and of the existence of which the present administration had not been notified.''

[21] ``But starving'' changed in the manuscript to ``and hungry.''

[22] ``On that occasion'' inserted by Seward and adopted by Lincoln in the second proof.

[23] ``Aggress upon'' changed in the manuscript to ``assail.''

[24] ``Mystification'' changed in the manuscript to ``ingenious sophistry.''

[25] ``Constitutional republic, or a'' inserted in second proof.

[26] ``The administration had no choice left,'' in the manuscript, changed to the present text in first proof.

[27] ``Military power'' changed in the manuscript to ``war-power.''

[28] ``To the administration,'' in the manuscript, deleted at this point in first proof.

[29] ``Except patriotic Delaware'' inserted by Seward and ``except Delaware,'' adopted by Lincoln in second proof.

[30] ``Others'' inserted in second proof.

[31] ``United States service'' changed in the manuscript to ``government service.''

[32] ``In'' inserted in second proof.

[33] ``Were apparantly, quite against it,'' in the manuscript and first proof replaced in second proof with the conclusion of the sentence as reproduced here.

[34] ``Nearly all the'' changed in the manuscript to ``many.''

[35] ``They, however, submitted,'' in the manuscript, changed in first proof to ``Although they submitted.''

[36] ``Then'' in the manuscript, omitted in first proof, and inserted in the second proof.

[37] Period and new sentence beginning here in manuscript, changed in first proof to the present text.

[38] ``Was,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed in the second proof to ``were.''

[39] ``Confederate'' changed in the manuscript to ``seceded.''

[40] ``Confederate States of America,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed to ``Confederate States'' by Seward and adopted by Lincoln in second proof.

[41] The sentence ``Those citizens are Virginia,'' in the manuscript, changed in first proof to the sentence of the present text. Three additional sentences in Lincoln's autograph appear immediately following this sentence inserted at bottom of page ten of first proof, but were deleted in favor of the full paragraph autograph insertion (see note 42) at the same point. The deleted sentences are as follows: ``Suppose two respectable gentlemen, both of whom have sworn to support the constitution of the United States, shall each, at the same time, claim to be Governor of Virginia. Which of the two should this government recognize? Him who disregards, or him who keeps, his oath, in this respect?''

[42] This paragraph, not in the manuscript, occurs in first proof as an autograph page inserted.

[43] ``Consummated,'' in the autograph insertion in first proof, changed in the second proof to ``completed.''

[44] ``While they may not all be traitors who have favored it, the thing is, in fact, treason in disguise,'' in the autograph insertion in first proof, changed by Seward to the reading adopted by Lincoln in the second proof, Lincoln adding the word ``doubtless'' to Seward's revision. ``Treason'' is amended to ``very injurious'' in the Congressional Globe Appendix, which is followed by Nicolay and Hay, suggesting further revision before release for publication.

[45] Seward deleted, and Lincoln adopted in second proof, the sentence standing next in the manuscript and first proof, as follows: ``On more mature reflection, with observation on current events, it was [the administration] concluded that the measures adopted were inadequate to the occasion, both by reason of the very limited time the militia would be held to serve, and the general insufficiency of numbers in the regular land and naval forces.'' Lincoln had changed ``the administration concluded,'' appearing in the manuscript, to ``it was concluded'' in first proof.

[46] ``Accordingly another call was made for---volunteers,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed by Seward to the present reading adopted in the second proof.

[47] Two short paragraphs as revised in the manuscript and first proof are deleted at this point in the second proof by Seward. Deletion adopted by Lincoln.

They are as follows:

``Whether the proceedings in the nature of blockade, be technically a blockade, scarcely needs to be considered; since foreign nations only claim what we concede, that, as between them and us, the strict law of blockade shall apply.

``The attention of Congress is sought in aid of this means for suppressing the insurrection, as the one affording at once, the greatest efficiency, and least danger to life, of any at the control of the government.''

[48] ``I felt it my duty,'' in the manuscript, revised in first proof to ``it was considered a duty.''

[49] ``At my verbal request, as well as by the Generals own inclination, this authority has been exercised,'' in the manuscript, revised in first proof to ``This authority has purposely been exercised.''

[50] The remainder of this sentence, the next two sentences, and the beginning of the next, were revised in first proof to the present text. In the manuscript they are as follows: ``and I have been reminded from a high quarter that one who is sworn to `take care that the laws be faithfully executed' should not himself be one to violate them. [``So I think'' deleted in the manuscript.] Of course I gave some consideration to the questions of power, and propriety, before I acted in this matter. The whole of the laws which I was sworn to take care that they be faithfully executed, were being resisted, and failing to be executed, in nearly one third of the states. Must I have allowed them,'' etc.

[51] In the manuscript the remainder of this sentence originally read that ``more rogues than honest men find shelter under it, should, to a very limited extent, be violated?'' This was first revised to read as follows: ``that practically more of the guilty than [of] the innocent, find shelter under it,'' etc. The second revision on the manuscript stands in the first proof and thereafter, except for the insertion ``of'' in first proof as indicated in brackets.

[52] ``Violated,'' in the first proof, changed by Seward in the second proof to ``broken.'' Not adopted by Lincoln.

[53] This and the next two sentences inserted in first proof in Lincoln's autograph revised three sentences in the manuscript which read as follows: ``Even in such a case I should consider my official oath broken if I should allow the government to be overthrown, when I might think the disregarding the single law would tend to preserve it. But, in this case I was not, in my own judgment, driven to this ground. In my opinion I violated no law.''

[54] ``I decided,'' in the manuscript, revised to ``It was decided'' in first proof.

[55] ``Of habeas corpus,'' in the manuscript and first proof, deleted in second proof.

[56] ``Which I authorized,'' in the manuscript, revised to ``which was authorized,'' in first proof.

[57] ``Plainly was made'' in the manuscript, revised to ``was plainly made'' in first proof.

[58] ``I can not bring myself to believe that the framers of that instrument,'' in the manuscript, revised to the present text in first proof.

[59] ``That'' in first proof, deleted in second proof.

[60] This sentence is inserted in Lincoln's autograph in first proof, replacing the following, in the manuscript: ``I enter upon no more extended argument; as an opinion, at some length, will be presented by the Attorney General.''

[61] ``I submit,'' in the manuscript, revised to ``is submitted'' in first proof.

[62] The remainder of this sentence is inserted in second proof by Seward and adopted by Lincoln, with minor changes in punctuation, in place of the following in the manuscript and first proof: ``he finds no cause of complaint against the present course of any foreign power, upon this subject.''

[63] ``I now ask,'' in the manuscript, revised to ``It is now recommended'' in first proof.

[64] The remainder of this sentence is revised to its present text in the second proof from the following wording in the manuscript and first proof: ``that you authorize to be applied to the work at least --- hundred thousand men, and three hundred millions of dollars.'' Seward had inserted ``if necessary'' following ``work'' and ``4'' in the blank space. Lincoln adopted only the latter suggestion.

[65] ``Less than one twelfth,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed in second proof to ``about one tenth.''

[66] ``Apparently'' inserted in first proof.

[67] ``Thirtieth,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed in second proof to ``twentythird.''

[68] ``Are,'' in the manuscript, changed to ``seem'' in first proof.

[69] ``It will cost,'' in the manuscript and first proof at the end of this sentence, deleted in second proof.

[70] This sentence was inserted in the manuscript in place of the following: ``The War Department has great trouble to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide them.'' Although Lincoln kept ``provide them'' in his revision, the printer made it ``provide for them,'' in second proof.

[71] ``Of'' not in the manuscript, but printed in first proof and kept in second proof.

[72] ``Morals'' in the manuscript changed to ``mind.''

[73] ``A single,'' in the manuscript, changed to ``an'' in first proof.

[74] ``Was, and,'' standing at this point in the manuscript and first proof, deleted in second proof. Italics in this sentence were added in first proof.

[75] ``The'' not in the manuscript, but is in first proof.

[76] ``Then'' in the manuscript, changed to ``at the time'' in three pages of manuscript revision which replaced page eighteen of the first proof.

[77] ``Of power'' appears in manuscript revision of first proof, but not in the original manuscript.

[78] ``I believe'' in the original manuscript, changed to ``is believed'' in the autograph revision of page eighteen in first proof.

[79] Four sentences beginning here are not in the manuscript but appear in the autograph revision of page eighteen of the first proof.

[80] ``It can only be against law, and by revolution,'' in the manuscript, changed to ``they can only do so, against law, and by revolution'' in autograph revision of page eighteen in first proof.

[81] This sentence and the next do not appear in the manuscript, but are in the autograph revision of page eighteen of first proof.

[82] The sentence appearing next in the manuscript pages inserted to replace page eighteen of first proof, is deleted in second proof: ``As states, the Union gave birth to them.'' This sentence was itself a revision of a longer sentence in the original manuscript: ``As states, they were born into the Union, not one of them, except Texas, ever having had a State Constitution, independent of the Union.''

[83] The remainder of this paragraph and the next paragraph are as revised in first proof. The manuscript version is as follows: ``Unquestionably they have the powers reserved to them by the constitution; but in those, are not included all conceiveable powers, however mischievous or destructive; but such only, as were known in the world, at the time, as governmental powers; and surely a power to destroy the government itself, was not intended to be among these. And if not intended, it has no existence.

``The right of revolution, is never a legal right. The very term implies the breaking, and not the abiding by, organic law. At most, it is but a moral right, when exercised for a morally justifiable cause. When exercised without such a cause revolution is no right, but simply a wicked exercise of physical power.''

[84] ``For them'' inserted in second proof.

[85] ``Those,'' in the manuscript pages replacing page eighteen in first proof, changed to ``these'' in second proof.

[86] ``I am combatting the position that secession is consistent with the constitution---is peaceful, and lawful,'' in the manuscript, revised to the present text in first proof.

[87] ``The creditors,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed to ``creditors'' in second proof.

[88] ``Are to'' in the manuscript, changed to ``can'' in first proof.

[89] ``In such case, shall we find any more lenders of money, however much we may need them?'' appearing at this point in the manuscript, deleted in first proof.

[90] The remainder of this sentence and the next two are revised in first proof and second proof to the present text. In the manuscript they appear as follows: ``they have departed from ours, in this respect, or they have not. If they have departed from ours, they thereby admit that ours ought to be as they have made theirs, cutting off the right of secession. If they have not departed from ours, by their own theoretic and practical construction of ours, which they copy in this respect, they show that they will secede from one another, whenever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish, or unjust object.''

[91] ``They will,'' in first proof, replaced in the second proof with ``to be consistent they must.''

[92] ``Indeed'' inserted in first proof.

[93] ``Ever elevating them above the rights of majorities,'' appearing in the manuscript at this point, deleted in first proof.

[94] In the manuscript and first proof the beginning of this sentence reads, ``The dread of their existence is that power. . . . '' etc., changed in second proof to the present text.

[95] ``Perhaps'' inserted by Seward and adopted by Lincoln in second proof.

[96] ``That'' inserted in first proof.

[97] ``Say,'' in the manuscript, changed to ``affirm'' in first proof.

[98] ``Demonstrative of'' as misprinted in first proof, corrected by Lincoln to ``demonstrating.''

[99] ``And even others, more decidedly for the Union, in sentiment, would be carried the same way,'' appearing at this point in the manuscript, deleted in first proof.

[100] ``Nor do I know that,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed by Seward to ``I do not say that,'' and revised by Lincoln in second proof to the present text.

[101] ``Why this?'' in the manuscript, changed to ``Why?'' in first proof.

[102] ``Played,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed to ``proved'' in second proof.

[103] ``Very,'' in the manuscript and first proof, deleted in second proof.

[104] ``Has,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed to ``is known to have'' in second proof.

[105] ``Greater'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed in second proof to ``Great.''

[106] ``So far as known'' inserted in second proof.

[107] ``The,'' in the manuscript and first proof, deleted in second proof.

[108] ``The,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed to ``it's'' in second proof.

[109] ``Of it,'' at this point in the manuscript and first proof, deleted in second proof.

[110] ``Internal'' inserted at this point as printed in the Congressional Globe Appendix which is followed by Nicolay and Hay.

[111] ``That those who can not carry an election, can not destroy the government,'' appearing at this point in the manuscript, deleted in first proof.

[112] The remainder of this sentence inserted in first proof.

[113] ``Relative,'' in the manuscript and first proof, changed to ``relatively'' in second proof.

[114] The manuscript ends at this point. The remainder of the Message was composed after first proof had been set.

[115] ``Which any honest man should regret,'' which concludes this sentence in Lincoln's autograph insertion at this point in the first proof, is changed by Seward in the second proof to ``or any deprivation of any citizen of any right of life, liberty, or pursuit of happiness, guaranteed to him by the Constitution or the laws of the land.'' Lincoln did not follow Seward's revision, but changed the conclusion of the sentence to the present text, and added the next paragraph following.

[116] This sentence and the next are revised in the autograph pages of first proof to the present text. As first written they were as follows: ``No compromise could, in his judgment, be a cure; but, at best, could only be a little more lingering death to our popular institutions. No popular government can long survive a precedent, that those who have carried an election, must, on pain of death to the government itself, surrender the point upon which the people gave the election.''

[117] ``He,'' in the autograph pages of revision at the end of the first proof, changed to ``the Executive'' in second proof.

[118] ``In the justness of God'' as first written, revised to ``in God'' in the autograph pages of first proof.