A. Lincoln: Endless war

After writing my original post, in which I asked my late friend Abraham Lincoln if he might speak on my behalf concerning our loss of constitutional protections, I mentioned my - our frustration with this endless war, and our president's incomprehensible statements in its defense.

As it turns out, Mr. Lincoln has plenty of experience with stubborn, clueless presidents and 'endless wars.' Recalling his own, frustrating days in Congress, he will now address the members of the 110th Congress on the subject of 'mentally perplexed' presidents... and war.

I have once again offered to take this letter down as dictation (I serve at the pleasure of the president.) My words will be identifiable as regular type; anything written by Mr. Lincoln will be in

blockquotes;

with the addition that I will make use of strikeouts to enhance readability ( Mexico becomes Iraq; it should be clear.)

Sincerely, M

____________________________________________



Gentlemen and Ladies of the Congress:

I would be remiss in my responsibility as former president of this great nation if I did not write to you today; and speaking on behalf of all who have died for the honor of this nation, I must address your abysmal record with regard to the continuation of this illegal and immoral war with the once sovereign nation of Iraq.

That you have so far failed in your duty to end this blatantly illegal war; and that you have so willingly ceded your rightful powers to control the flow of money to said war, and in that you have abdicated your other constitutionally given powers of oversight which are your rightful duties as the legislative branch of this government -- all of this surprises and confounds me.

It is your responsibility to control the monies that will be used for this war, and so ensure that the public interest has not been abused. Ladies and gentlemen of Congress: this is your duty to the people of this nation, and to future generations. May I also suggest that it is also your duty to those who came before you; those of your ancestors who have given so much that you might enjoy the freedom and prosperity in which you live today.

The people of this nation do not want war. It is your duty as representatives of the citizenry to uphold their faith and put an end to it. You must find the means, and with all possible haste, to bring this loss of life, money and national honor to an immediate close.

As for the irregularities that have taken place within this administration; the responsibility rests with Congress to protect and defend the Constitution, from all enemies foreign AND DOMESTIC. As you have all sworn oaths to defend our Constitution, you must not waver from this duty; for history will assail you, and your children's children curse your names if you do not rescue the rule of law and justice from the grasp of this expanded, presidential tyranny.

In short:

I am not concerned that you have fallen. I am concerned that you arise.

When the war began, it was my opinion that all those who, because of knowing too little, or because of knowing too much, could not conscientiously approve the conduct of the President, in the beginning of it, should, nevertheless, as good citizens and patriots, remain silent on that point, at least till the war should be ended.

My way of living leads me to be about the courts of justice; and there, I have sometimes seen a good lawyer, struggling for his client's neck, in a desperate case, employing every artifice to work round, befog, and cover up, with many words, some point arising in the case, which he dared not admit, and yet could not deny. Party bias may help to make it appear so; but with all the allowance I can make for such bias, it still does appear to me, that just such, and from just such necessity, is the President's struggle in this case.

I more than suspect already, that he is deeply conscious of being in the wrong---that he feels the blood of this war, like the blood of Abel, is crying to Heaven against him. That originally having some strong motive---what, I will not stop now to give my opinion concerning---to involve the two countries in a war, and trusting to escape scrutiny, by fixing the public gaze upon the exceeding brightness of military glory---that attractive rainbow, that rises in showers of blood---that serpent's eye, that charms to destroy---he plunged into it, and has swept, on and on, till, disappointed in his calculation of the ease with which Mexico Iraq might be subdued, he now finds himself, he knows not where.

How like the half insane mumbling of a fever-dream, is the whole war part of his late message! At one time telling us that Mexico Iraq has nothing whatever, that we can get, but teritory WMDs and terrorists; at another, showing us how we can support the war, by levying contributions on Mexico Iraq at one time, urging the national honor, the security of the future, the prevention of foreign interference, and even, the good of Mexico Iraq herself, as among the objects of the war; at another, telling us, that to reject indemnity, by refusing to accept a cession of teritory "to cut and run, and fail to support democracy would be to abandon all our just demands, and to wage the war, bearing all it's expenses, without a purpose or definite object."

Again, the President is resolved, under all circumstances, to have full teritorial indemnity blank check funding for the expenses of the war; but he forgets to tell us how we are to get the excess, after those expenses shall have surpassed the value of the whole of the Mexican teritory Iraqi oil.

So again, he insists that the separate national existence of Mexico Iraq shall be maintained; but he does not tell us how this can be done, after we shall have taken all her teritory destroyed her infrastructure. Lest the questions, I here suggest, be considered speculative merely, let me be indulged a moment in trying to show they are not.

If the prosecution of the war has, in expenses, already equaled the better half of the country our national budget, how long it's future prosecution, will be in equaling, the less valuable half entire rest of our treasury, is not a speculative, but a practical question, pressing closely upon us. And yet it is a question which the President seems to never have thought of. As to the mode of terminating the war, and securing peace, the President is equally wandering and indefinite.

First, it is to be done by a more vigorous prosecution of the war in the vital parts of the enemies country; and, after apparently, talking himself tired, on this point, the President drops down into a half despairing tone, and tells us that "with a people distracted and divided by contending factions, and a government subject to constant changes, by successive revolutions, the continued success of our arms may fail to secure a satisfactory peace."

Then he suggests the propriety of wheedling the Mexican Iraqi people to desert the counsels of their own leaders, and trusting in our protection, to set up a government from which we can secure a satisfactory peace; telling us, that "this may become the only mode of obtaining such a peace." But soon he falls into doubt of this too; and then drops back on to the already half abandoned ground of more vigorous prosecution.

All this shows that the President is, in no wise, satisfied with his own positions. First he takes up one, and in attempting to argue us into it, he argues himself out of it; then seizes another, and goes through the same process; and then, confused at being able to think of nothing same process; and then, confused at being able to think of nothing new, he snatches up the old one again, which he has some time before cast off.

His mind, tasked beyond it's power, is running hither and thither, like some tortured creature, on a burning surface, finding no position, on which it can settle down, and be at ease.

Again, it is a singular omission in this message, that it, no where intimates when the President expects the war to terminate.

Every department, and every part, land and water, officers and privates, regulars and volunteers, doing all that men could do, and hundreds of things which it had ever before been thought men could not do,---after all this, this same President gives us a long message, without showing us, that, as to the end, he himself, has, even an imaginary conception.

As I have before said, he knows not where he is. He is a bewildered, confounded, and miserably perplexed man. God grant he may be able to show, there is not something about his conscience, more painful than all his mental perplexity!

I carefully examined the President's messages, to ascertain what he himself had said and proved upon the point. The result of this examination was to make the impression, that taking for true, all the President states as facts, he falls far short of proving his justification; and that the President would have gone farther with his proof, if it had not been for the small matter, that the truth would not permit him.

Let the President answer the interrogatories, I proposed, as before mentioned, or some other similar ones. Let him answer, fully, fairly, and candidly. Let him answer with facts, and not with arguments. Let him remember he sits where Washington sat, and so remembering, let him answer, as Washington would answer. As a nation should not, and the Almighty will not, be evaded, so let him attempt no evasion---no equivocation.

Yours truly,